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: The Mature Years of Alexandre-Gabriel Decamps


Minneapolis Institute of Arts



Institution Minneapolis Institute of Arts
The Minneapolis Institute of Arts has consistently acquired important works by the French artist Alexandre-Gabriel Decamps (1803-1860). In 1939, Mrs. Erasmus C. Lindley gave Job and His Friends,1 and then in 1949, ten years after the first gift, she willed the Goatherder of the Abruzzi (figure 2)2 in memory of her father, James J. Hill. The museum's good fortune continued in 1958 when Mrs. Egil Boeckmann gave Landscape with the Good Samaritan3 (figure 3) and in 1969 when the museum acquired the large Decamps drawing Siege of Clermont en Auvergne4 (figure 4) through the William Hood Dunwoody Fund. As a result of this generosity it is possible through one collection to analyze the aims and ambitions of Decamps during his mature period.Decamps was born in Paris in 1803. After he and his brother, the art critic and essayist Maurice-Alexandre Decamps,5 spent a few years at Arsy at the insistence of their father, Pierre Augustin, "in order to learn to rise early and know the hard life of the fields,"6 Decamps entered the atelier of Etienne Bouhot.7 Toward the end of 1818 he left Bouhot for the studio of Alexandre-Denis Abel de Pujol,8 one of the purest representatives of the academic doctrine. Decamps was not a very attentive student. Moreover, he thought that "the formula of instruction of the academic doctrine reduced the least examination almost to the proportions of silliness."9 Thus he quit Abel's studio in 1819-20.In spite of the fact that he was a ricochet from the school of Jacques-Louis David, Decamps (who had enjoyed his rustic existence at Arsy) began his career as a genre painter. This point is illustrated by his earliest known signed and dated painting, the 1823 Arabs in front of a House (Musée de St. Etienne), and the two works that he sent to his first salon in 1827-28—The Janissary (figure 5) and the presently lost Hunting in a Swamp. After traveling throughout Asia Minor and east North Africa in 1828 (and thereby becoming the first major European artist to travel extensively in the Orient), Decamps returned to France and executed a number of small genre scenes which received great acclaim from the critics of the Salons of 1831 and 1833.By 1833 several critics had called upon Decamps to depict more important subjects on a larger scale in order to have "another beautiful page to suspend beside [the Raft of] the Medusa [by Gericault]."10 There is little doubt that Decamps painted his masterpiece, Defeat of the Cimbrians (figure 6), in response to the critics' requests. He remarked about the work, which was celebrated by the reviewers of the Salon, "When I exhibited the large sketch the Defeat of the Cimbrians . . . I planned to give an indication of what I could conceive of and execute . . . . I speak about Cimbrians, because this subject is characteristic of the path that I wanted to follow. . . ."11With this goal in mind, Decamps traveled to Italy in 1835, and, as a result of the success of the Cimbrians, he spent the remainder of his career trying to reconcile successfully the two strengths of his talent: his desire to create high-minded art and his interest in rendering the world of his immediate surroundings.During the late 1830s, among other paintings illustrating a variety of subjects, Decamps completed the biblical canvases Moses Saved from the Water (figure 7), Joseph Sold by His Brothers (Wallace Collection, London), Samson Combating the Philistines with the Jawbone of an Ass (present location unknown), and the Minneapolis Landscape with the Good Samaritan (figure 3).Despite his desire to be a history painter, Decamps was not the type of artist to peruse literature for subjects. He owned a Portelet copy of Rembrandt's Good Samaritan (Louvre),12 and it was perhaps from this copy that he acquired his interest in the story. That Decamps admired Rembrandt and frequently found inspiration in the Dutch master's art is illustrated by a later and different rendition of the Good Samaritan theme by Decamps (figure 8) which definitely can be related to the Louvre Rembrandt.Although the precise period when Decamps worked on the Landscape with the Good Samaritan is undocumented, the work is composed along the same lines as Moses Saved (figure 7). There is an emphasis on horizontal recession into space, and the principal action is cast in a valley with a body of water on the left. Old World cities can be seen in the distance. Both works echo the landscape elements found in the Cimbrians (figure 6), which Decamps took from life in the south of France during a trip in 1832. The rather elongated figures in both pictures are indebted to Poussin's Finding of Moses (Louvre). A simple visual comparison of the two works, the Good Samaritan and Moses Saved, with Defeat of the Cimbrians shows how Decamps made variations on a motif. This similarity of composition and idea in the Landscape with the Good Samaritan and the signed and dated Moses Saved from the Water (and the other biblical scenes of the late 1830s) accounts for the present dating of the Good Samaritan to 1837.In these historical works Decamps fused classical elements with his basic inclination to portray the real world. The result was a completely new approach to religious scenes. Through devices like the small architectural structures in the backgrounds and the barren landscapes, Decamps was able to create a believable image of the Orient, where the events historically occurred, while previous artists had located such scenes in Egypt and other Near Eastern countries merely by including pyramids or tropical growths.After his great success in 1834, Decamps did not exhibit at the Salon until 1839. The Good Samaritan was not included in his envoi of that year because it was not finished;13 and, in the sense that Decamps did not apply the brittle textures which are known as his "cuisine," the work remains a sketch (as well as an indication of his working method). The pictures that were included in the Salon were praised by most of the critics, who noticed both the references to conventional art and the new images that he had created.14 Decamps received official recognition at the close of the Salon: he was made Chevalier de la Légion d'honneur. But his triumph was not total, because, at the same time, a government official informed Decamps, without solicitation, that the state would be unable to give him a commission to decorate a public monument because he was so highly esteemed by the public that he did not need the government.15 Moreover, his brother, Maurice-Alexandre, wrote in his review of the 1839 Salon: "Monumental art renders nations more powerful, more moral, and more enlightened; familiar art makes man more intelligent, wiser, and happier."16 To Decamps, who certainly must have felt that he had more than excelled in familiar scenes, and who was extremely interested in joining such colleagues as Delacroix and Delaroche in creating monumental art, not for the sake of money, but to prove himself a great artist, the desire to execute monumental art weighed heavily upon him over the remainder of his career. His subsequent, relentless pursuit of high-minded art is illustrated by the Minneapolis drawing Siege of Clermont en Auvergne (figure 4) and its pendant, Battle of the Cimbrians (figure 9), both executed in 1840.The subject of Siege of Clermont en Auvergne is based on C. Fauneil's Histoire de la Gaule Meridionale:The besieged had suffered a great deal more than the troops of Ecdicius, and they resolved to retreat without awaiting a new attack. In order not to be burdened, and so that they could bury them easily, they cut off the heads of their dead and left the bodies where they had fallen. But when day came, through a pity that they had not felt in the beginning, they decided to give them a sepulchre. Ecdicius attacked them anew, all that they were able to do was to load numerous chariots, and take with them the bodies they had not had time to bury; they came upon a habitation, a deserted thatched cottage, which they set afire, and threw in some of the bodies for which the enflamed debris of the thatched cottage served at once as a butcher and a tomb.17Although Decamps used the text for his subject, his composition owes a great deal to the battles that rage in the trenches of the earlier Defeat of the Cimbrians. But in the drawing, as is the case in several works of his mature period, he placed a greater emphasis on the figures. Also, in this sheet, Decamps continued his classical tendencies. The figures are packed into the composition in the manner of antique friezes, and there is a strong emphasis on the contours of personages, animals, and objects. The overall clarity of the work is largely a result of the medium, to be sure, but it also has to do with the style, which goes back to Decamps' Roman experience of 1835.Decamps's drawing is a very good visual account of Fauniel's description. As such, Clermont is the first work in which Decamps certainly put to work ideas formed by reading a book, without having had an initial visual stimulus, although it is unlikely that he carefully read Fauniel's four volumes in search of a theme. He had already demonstrated an interest in unusual burial situations in an earlier drawing, Saint-Michel a Bordeaux (c. 1833, Musée Victor Hugo, Paris) and, as was the case with Saint-Michel, the gory nature of the event initially may have been suggested to him orally.Some mention ought to be made of Clermont's pendant, The Battle of the Cimbrians (figure 9). The subject of the work is ultimately derived from the famous 1833 Defeat of the Cimbrians. However, the retreat which takes place in the foreground may have been inspired by Fauniel's text. Decamps may have intended to represent different episodes of the battle of Clermont, since he exhibited the two drawings together at the Salon of 1842 (the later title was perhaps intended to capitalize on the fame of the prototype). Also there was a recent precedent for this type of rendition: at the Salon of 1839, Horace Vernet exhibited three very large paintings representing the taking of Constantine at different moments.18 Vernet's paintings were displayed prominently at the entrance to the Salon.19The two drawings, Siege of Clermont on Auvergne and Battle of the Cimbrians, not only feature the same valley found in Decamps's painted masterpiece, Defeat of the Cimbrians, but they also restate a nationalism that is found in the painting: both scenes depict events of French history. Several writers had called for a national art in 1839.20 The ideas of the critics may have played a part in Decamps's choice of subjects for the two drawings, especially in light of the fact that Maurice-Alexandre stated, "The goal of art is to speak to the people and to teach them by making a national fiber vibrate within them."21 Also, King Louise-Philippe, who purchased the Defeat of the Cimbrians after the 1834 Salon and who had a desire and personal preference for a national art, may have played a role in Decamps's decision to undertake large works depicting French history. These attitudes, the gallery at Versailles devoted to French military history, the prominent position given to Vernet's Prise de Constantine series at the 1839 Salon, and Decamps's own memories of the success of the 1833 Cimbrians were all clear signs that works such as Battle of the Cimbrians and Siege de Clermont would be readily accepted. Decamps was surely aware of the possibilities of the subject and knew, in addition, that the classical appearance of the drawings would enhance their appeal to academic circles. All of this goes to say that through these drawings Decamps hoped to demonstrate that he had the artistic power and the ideas to decorate the large walls of one of the national monuments. He did not exhibit the works right away, either because he thought it too soon after the minister's rejection of him in 1839 or because he had learned during the late thirties that his works had greater appeal after a brief absence from the Salons. It should be noted in passing that the drawings were never executed in oil, and there are not known studies for them. Decamps sent the two 1840 drawings to the Salon of 1842. As one might expect, based on previous patterns, the sheets received favorable reviews.22Yet even after 1834, and in spite of his ambitions to be a history painter, Decamps would not permit himself to be tied to one manner of representation. He continued his involvement with genre painting, especially Italian scenes. In the Institute's Goatherder of the Abruzzi (figure 2) Decamps depicts a goatherder watching his flock in central Italy, an area which borders on the Adriatic and includes the highest of the Apennines mountain peaks. In the painting, Decamps put to work a composition by Léopold Robert (1794-1835) (figure 10), another genre painter who aspired to the grand manner and in whom Decamps frequently found inspiration.The Goatherder of the Abruzzi calls attention to another tendency of Decamps's production which appeared in the middle forties. In an attempt to oblige collectors and dealers who were requesting "definitive" versions of existing compositions,23 Decamps began to make replicas of his works.24 There is a signed and dated version of the Minneapolis Goatherder at the National Gallery of Canada in Ottawa (figure 11). In addition to sharing stylistic similarities, the Ottawa version, which is dated, helps us to date the Minneapolis painting.After executing several other scenes of familiar reality during the early 1840s, Decamps reaffirmed his desire to be a great history painter in a series of nine drawings representing the History of Samson,25 works upon which Baudelaire heaped praises in his review of the Salon of 1845.26 Decamps did not receive any official recognition as a result of the fine critical reception of the sheets; nor did he gain a large surface to decorate. While he continued to received recognition for his art, the remainder of his career was marked by frustration and isolation. After the Salon of 1851, Decamps was promoted to Officer of the Legion of Honor. At last he received a commission from the government to paint a picture for the Musée du Luxembourg.27 The state commissioned five sculptures and twenty paintings from other artists at the same time, but of all the artists who received these commands, Decamps alone was allowed to execute a subject of his own choice.28It is almost needless to point out that, with the commission, Decamps gave vent to his ambitions toward the grand manner. He decided to paint the Minneapolis Job and His Friends (figure 1). It is impossible to determine why Decamps chose this particular subject, although at the time he had a general interest in biblical themes.Decamps painted two versions of Job, the compositions of the two being basically the same. The first, small version (figure 12) has only one window in the building on the left and an arch in the middle ground which suggests a comparatively deep space in the background. In the larger definitive version in Minneapolis, Decamps uses a complex system of perspective on the left by including two windows and brings the background nearer to the foreground by eliminating the arch found in the small picture. He had already used a similar composition in the Louvre's La Cour de ferme, which may have given him the idea for the lighting in the larger Job. The gradual effect of movement from the foreground to the background in the smaller painting, which results from the middle values of the arch area of the painting, has been eliminated in the large version at Minneapolis. The subtle shadows on the building in the background of the definitive version, and the penetrating angles of the foreground structures, serve to keep in place the highlighted background, which tries to push forward to be united with the lighter values of the foreground. Even the sky tries to advance, but is held in place by the tree which rushes toward the right to lead the eye in that direction and back to the highlights of the foreground. The figures, or the true subject, have very little impact as conveyors of cerebral actions, which leads to the conclusion that, even considering his ambitions, Decamps was primarily involved with the visual impact of his pictures.The involvement with areas of light in the Minneapolis Job and His Friends (figure 1) demonstrates the fact that the mature Decamps did not rely on the "cuisine" to make the composition visually interesting. Beginning during this period, the contrast of lights and darks, and the juxtapositions of shapes became his primary preoccupations. The contrast of lights and darks indeed had always been dear to Decamps, but in earlier works, he was interested in clair-obscur (cf. figure 6). With this new emphasis on values, color began to play a minor role in his art.Although Decamps did not turn to many outside sources at this time, using primarily his own previous ideas, as he had in the forties, he may have adapted Ribera's Martyrdom of St. Barthélemy (Musée des Beaux-Arts, Grenoble) of which he owned a Bisson copy,29 for the figure of Job.In spite of the long wait for a government commission Decamps neither gave Job and His Friends to the government as promised30 nor sent it to the Salon. However, we do have an important contemporary view of the work. Eugène Delacroix saw the work in Decamps's atelier and remarked in his Journal:
Returned to the exhibition with E. Lami for information; from there to Decamps's, whom I found in a disarrayed studio; he showed me some admirable things. He had a larger repetition of his Job for the Ministry, as beautiful as the small one, and to my mind, more advanced.31
Decamps was preparing to close his studio at the time of Delacroix's visit in 1853. He moved permanently to Fontainebleau and entered a period of semiretirement. His production remained consistent with what we have seen in the Minneapolis paintings.Decamps himself summed up the dilemma faced by a self-trained artists, a genre painter, who aspired to history painting:
I lived imprisoned between the four walls of my atelier, since no one took the initiative of opening the doors for me; and in spite of my primitive repugnance, I was condemned to perpetuate easel painting. I saw with chagrin all my confrères successively charged to do some work in place. That was my lot, that was my aptitude: for me, a painting of effect is a painting made; an easel painting is never that. And yet I forced my nature. Probably, the puny productions that begot my genius were little appropriate to give my imagination a truly high-minded idea. I sensed it, and gave at different times large drawings and compositions, but it was in vain. One asked an easel painting from me although I was fed up with it. Nonetheless, I started it, but with bitterness, and after a while I was going to add the final touch, when the horrible disease, under which I succumb, came to annihilate my hopes.32
The last phrases are references to the Minneapolis Job and they explain why Decamps did not submit the work to the government.It is safe to conclude that Decamps never truly understood the grand manner beyond its stylistic appearance. On the other hand, he was not interested in the classical tradition past its visual properties. Although he was never able to resolve within himself the conflict created by the two tendencies which pervaded his talent, Alexandre-Gabriel Decamps's works count among the best of the period, as is illustrated by the three paintings and one drawing in the Minneapolis collection.Dewey Franklin Mosby is Curator is European Art at the Detroit Institute of Arts. His PhD dissertation, Alexandre-Gabriel Decamps 1803-1860 (Harvard, 1974), was recently published by Garland Publishing Company.AUTHOR'S NOTE: I express appreciation to Mr. Harold Peterson, Librarian/Editor at The Minneapolis Institute of Arts, for the assistance that he provided in the preparation of this essay.Endnotes
  1. Alexandre-Gabriel Decamps
    French, 1803-1860
    Job and His Friends, c. 1853
    Oil on canvas, 47 x 33-3/4, unsigned
    Gift of Mrs. Erasmus C. Lindley, 39.48Provenance: Commissioned for Musée du Luxembourg, 1851, but still in Decamps's studio after death; sale, 1861, no. 2; Broët; van den Eynde, 1889; Durand-Ruel and Col, 1892; presumably to P. A. B. Widener; Durand-Ruel and Co., 1913; James J. Hill; Mrs. Erasmus C. Lindley; The Minneapolis Institute of Arts.Exhibitions: Palais des Champs-Elysées, Paris, Exposition, Rétrospective, Tableaux Empruntés aux Galeries Particuliéres, 1866, no. 246 (?); Judson Memorial Church, Minneapolis, 1955; Temple Emanu El, Houston, 1964; Denver Art Museum, Great Studies in Art, 1966.References: M. Chaumelin, Decamps, sa vie, son oeuvre, ses imitateurs (Marseille, 1861), p. 19; E. Delacroix, Journal, ed. A. Joubin (Paris, 1960), vol. 2, p. 23; Minneapolis Institute of Arts Bulletin 39 (June 3, 1950): 106-112 (illus. on cover; Minneapolis Institute of Arts, European Paintings from The Minneapolis Institute of Arts (New York, 1971), no. 118 (illus.); A Moreau, Decamps et son oeuvre (Paris, 1869), pp. 289 and 124, no. 123; D. F. Mosby, Alexandre-Gabriel Decamps (1803-1860) (New York, 1976), no. 185, pl. 100-B; P. A. B. Widener, Catalogue of Paintings Forming the Private Collection of P. A. B. Widener, Part I, Modern Paintings (Paris, 1900), no. 33.Related works: Lithograph by Jules Laurens; smaller version by Decamps of Job and His Friends, 1853, canvas 31 x 25-1/2, location unknown.
  2. Alexandre-Gabriel Decamps
    French, 1803-1860
    Goatherder of the Abruzzi, c. 1843-45
    Oil on canvas, 12-7/8 x 16
    Signed lower left, under figure: Decamps
    Bequest of Mrs. Erasmus C. Lindley in memory of her father, James J. Hill, 49.3Provenance: Baroilhet, sale March 29, 1860; Prince Napoleon, sale April 4, 1868; James J. Hill; Mrs. Erasmus C. Lindley; The Minneapolis Institute of Arts.Exhibitions: Minneapolis Institute of Arts, The Collection of James J. Hill, 1958, p. 27; Shepherd Gallery, New York, Ingres and Delacroix through Degas and Puvis de Chavannes: The Figure in French Art 1800-1870, May-June 1975, no. 48.References: "Barbizon School of Painting from the Lindley Bequest," Minneapolis Institute of Arts Bulletin 39 (June 3, 1950): 111 (illus.); C. Clément, Les Artistes célèbres: Decamps (Paris, 1886), p. 87; Minneapolis Institute of Arts, Catalogue of European Paintings, no. 116 (illus.); D. F. Mosby, Alexandre-Gabriel Decamps, no. 184, pl. 67-A; A. Moreau, Decamps et son oeuvre, p. 202.Related works: Decamps's The Goatherder of the Abruzzi, 1845, canvas 12-1/4 x 15, Ottawa, the National Gallery of Canada.
  3. Alexandre-Gabriel Decamps
    Landscape with the Good Samaritan, about 1837
    Oil on canvas, 18-1/8 x 25-3/8
    Initialed lower right: D. C.
    Gift of Mrs. Egil Boeckmann, 58.31Provenance: Decamps sale, 1853, no. 11; James J. Hill; Mrs. Egil Boeckmann; The Minneapolis Institute of Arts.Exhibitions: The Minneapolis Institute of Arts, The Collection of James J. Hill, 1958, p. 27.References: Minneapolis Institute of Arts, Catalogue of European Paintings, no. 117 (illus.); D. F. Mosby, Alexandre-Gabriel Decamps, no. 186, p. 48-B.Related works: A signed sketch of this subject, canvas 11-7/8 x 15-3/4 in., signed and dated lower left: Decamps 1840.
  4. Alexandre-Gabriel Decamps
    French, 1803-1860
    Siege of Clermont en Auvergne, 1840
    Charcoal heightened with white and color, 22-1/2 x 42-5/8
    Signed and dated lower left: Decamps 1840
    William Hood Dunwoody Fund, 69.138Provenance: Dubois coll.; Baron Gustave de Rothschild, 1869; Shepherd Gallery, New York, 1969; The Minneapolis Institute of Arts.Exhibitions: Salon of 1842, Paris, no. 506; Minneapolis Institute of Arts, French Nineteenth Century Graphics: The Academic Tradition, 1973 (listed as Study for 'Battle of the Cimbri'); Shepherd Gallery, New York, Ingres and Delacroix, 1975, no. 47 (listed as Study for 'Battle of the Cimbri').References: C. Clément, Les Artistes Célèbres: Decamps p. 78; P. du Calombier, Maitres de l'art moderne: Decamps (Paris, 1928), p. 41; Paul Mantz, "Decamps," Gazette des Beaux-Arts 12 (1862): 118; Minneapolis Institute of Arts Bulletin 54 (1970): 92 (illus. As Study for 'Battle of the Cimbri'); E. de Mirecourt, Les Contemporaires, portraits et silhouettes au XIXe siècle: Delaroche et Decamps (Paris, 1871), p. 64; A. Moreau, Decamps et son oeuvre, pp. 157, 248; D. F. Mosby, Alexandre-Gabriel Decamps, no. 187, pl. 143-B.
  5. For a notice on Maurice-Alexandre Decamps see M. Tourneux, Eugène Delacroix devant ses contemporains, ses écrits, ses biographes, ses critiques (Paris, 1886), pp. XV-XXVI.
  6. See Dr. Véron, "Notice biographique de Decamps, écrite par lui-même," Memoires d'un Bourgeois de Paris (Paris, 1854), p. 121.
  7. Ibid., erroneously refers to Bouhot as "Bouchot." For a recent discussion of Bouhot see J. Foucart's entries in the exhibition catalog French Painting 1774-1830: The Age of Revolution (Paris, Detroit, New York, 1974-75), pp. 329-332.
  8. For a discussion and bibliography on the artist see J. Lacambre in French Painting 1774-1830, pp. 573-74.
  9. Véron, "Notice biographique," p. 124.
  10. Anon., "Salon de 1833," L'Artiste 5, no. 7 (1883): 107.
  11. Véron, "Notice biographique," p. 126.
  12. See Decamps Sale, 1853, no. 52.
  13. For a discussion of Decamps' attitude towards the state of his works see Mosby, Alexandre-Gabriel Decamps, pp. 120ff.
  14. See, for example, A. Barbier, Salon de 1839, p. 139; Amans de Chavagneux et A . . . , Examen du Salon de 1839, pp. 5, 23; and M. Laurent-Jean, Le Salon de 1839, p. 7.
  15. See Véron, "Notice biographique," p. 129.
  16. M. A. Decamps, "Salon de 1839," Le National, March-May, 1839. Here quoted from L. Rosenthal, Du Romantisme au realisme. . . (Paris, 1914), p. 371.
  17. C. Fauniel, Histoire de la Gaule Méridionale, (Paris, 1836), vol. 1, p. 332. My translation.
  18. Cf. H. Delaborder, Lettres et Pensées d'Hippolyte Flandrin (Paris, 1865), p. 297.
  19. Ibid.
  20. For a summary see L. Rosenthal, Du Romantisme au realisme, pp. 365-377.
  21. Quoted from Ibid., p. 369.
  22. A characteristic example of the reception of the works is L. Peisse, "Le Salon de 1842," Revue des Deux-Mondes 30, series 4: 122-123.
  23. Cf., Brussels, Bibliothèque Royale Albert 1er; (inet des Dessins); Decamps Lettres (1844, March 13); letter to Arrowsmith.
  24. He pointed to this tendency in Paris, Louvre (Cabinet des Dessins); Decamps Lettres (March 13, 1844); letter to Arrowsmith.
  25. For a discussion of these works see Mosby, Alexandre-Gabriel Decamps, pp. 187 ff.
  26. See C. Baudelaire, Art in Paris 1845-1862, Songs and Other Exhibitions, trans. J. Mayne (London, 1965), pp. 9-11.
  27. The Commission is mentioned in Paris, Archives Louvre, Z-4 (1851, August 14).
  28. Ibid.
  29. Decamps Sale, 1853, no. 42.
  30. Cf. Paris, Archives Louvre, P-4 (1862, March 21).
  31. E. Delacroix, Journal ed. A. Joubin, vol. 2 (1960), p. 31.
  32. Véron, "Notice biographique," p. 127.
Referenced Works of Art
  1. Alexandre-Gabriel Decamps
    French, 1803-1860
    Job and His Friends, about 1853
    Oil on canvas, 47 x 33-3/4 inches
    Gift of Mrs. Erasmus C. Lindley, 39.48
  2. Alexandre-Gabriel Decamps
    Goatherder of the Abruzzi, about 1843-45
    Oil on canvas, 12-7/8 x 16 inches
    Bequest of Mrs. Erasmus C. Lindley in memory of her father, James J. Hill, 49.3
  3. Alexandre-Gabriel Decamps
    Landscape with the Good Samaritan, about 1837
    Oil on canvas, 18-1/8 x 25-3/8 inches
    Gift of Mrs. Egil Boeckmann, 58.31
  4. Alexandre-Gabriel Decamps
    Siege of Clermont en Auvergne, 1840
    Charcoal heightened with white and color, 22-1/2 x 42-5/8 inches
    William Hood Dunwoody Fund, 69.138
  5. Alexandre-Gabriel Decamps
    The Janissary, 1827
    Reproduced with the permission of the Trustees of the Wallace Collection
  6. Alexandre-Gabriel Decamps
    Defeat of the Cimbrians, 1833
    Musée du Louvre
    Photo: courtesy of Musées Nationaux
  7. Alexandre-Gabriel Decamps
    Moses Saved from the Water, 1837
    Reproduced with the permission of the Trustees of the Wallace Collection
  8. Alexandre-Gabriel Decamps
    The Good Samaritan, about 1845
    Chrysler Museum, Norfolk, Virginia
  9. Alexandre-Gabriel Decamps
    Battle of the Cimbrians, 1840
    Charcoal and pastel heightened with white
    Musée d'Art Moderne, Brussels
  10. Léopold Robert
    Le Repos du pâtre, 1831
    Photo: Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris
  11. Alexandre-Gabriel Decamps
    Goatherder of the Abruzzi, 1845
    The National Gallery of Canada, Ottawa
  12. Alexandre-Gabriel Decamps
    Job and His Friends, 1853
    Present location unknown
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Source: Dewey F. Mosby, "The Mature Years of Alexandre-Gabriel Decamps," <i>The Minneapolis Institute of Arts Bulletin</i> 63 (1976-1977): 96-109.
Rights: ©MIA
Added to Site: March 10, 2009