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: The Coronation of the Virgin by Mariotto di Nardo


Minneapolis Institute of Arts



Institution Minneapolis Institute of Arts
The textual tradition of the Coronation of the Virgin arose in the earlier Middle Ages, but not until the Romanesque period was this apocryphal subject given artistic representation. In an era in which the cult of the Virgin cast a more and more powerful spell over religion and society the popularity of the image of the Coronation seems inevitable. Whereas the crowned Virgin enthroned with the Child embodies primarily the concept of the Queen of Heaven as Theotokos (Mother of God) and Intercessor, the Coronation of the Virgin represents the moment of the elevation of the earthly mother to her celestial and regal position, endowed by her Son with divine status and immortality. A resumé of some major stages in the depiction of the Coronation in early Tuscan painting may be of use as background to the early 15th-century example that forms the core of this brief article. For the long and complex history of the subject, the reader must look elsewhere.1The earliest Florentine Trecento representation of the Coronation is within the compartmented altarpiece: at the center the enthroned figures of Christ and the Virgin, with adoring angels kneeling below, and in the lateral panels ranks of saints standing witness to the sacred event. This root type was established in the Coronation of the Virgin still to be seen in the Baroncelli Chapel at Santa Croce in Florence, signed on the frame by Giotto but more accurately attributable to the Master of the Stefaneschi Altarpiece.2 In the fourth decade of the Trecento there emerged from the shop of Bernardo Daddi a smaller form of the Coronation encompassed within the limits of an intimate tabernacle. Here the figures are reduced in scale, the main event of the crowning has been elevated to the upper zone of the panel and lateral groups of saints stand tier on tier within this same small picture area,3 This Daddesque type of Coronation in a simple panel is modified in the third quarter of the century so as to emphasize the celestial aspect of the crowning. To achieve this more supernatural effect, the seated figures of Christ and the Virgin are suspended above the ground before a figured drapery, usually without the support of a throne.4 After the mid-14th century one further type of Coronation altarpiece emerged which paralleled in format the standard Madonna and Saints polyptych of that time. In lieu of the tiers of witnessing saints, the lateral panels of the altarpiece contain full-length single or paired saints as accompaniment to the principal scene. It was in just such an altarpiece that the Coronation of the Virgin by Mariotto di Nardo, recently acquired by the Institute, held the central position, although now it stands in the gallery’s collections as an independently impressive work of early Florentine painting (cover and fig. 1).5 Happily there exists a photographic record of the altarpiece in which the Institute’s panel was the principal element (fig. 2) and the whereabouts of some related parts are known, so that we are not left with the usual doubts about the original connection of scattered fragments of Gothic polyptychs.Before the Minneapolis Coronation was separated from its companion panels, the altarpiece had experienced a varied history. The first notice is in the 17th century when it was recorded in the provincial Florentine church of Santo Stefano in Pane (Borgo di Rifredi), a provenance uncovered by Werner Cohn during his years of indefatigable research in Florentine archives.6 That may well have been the original location of the altarpiece judging by the mention of the Confraternity of the Virgin and St. Stephen in the inscription below the Coronation as well as the presence of St. Stephen to the left of Christ.7 The English collector W. Davenport Bromley acquired the altarpiece in 1844, apparently directly from Santo Stefano in Pane, and it remained in his collection at Wooton Hall in London until 18638 After that year there can be traced only a shadowy history. The lst known location of the altarpiece while still intact was the Italian Church at Hatton Garden, London (Holborn), but no record has been found of when it reached or left there. At least it can be ascertained that as late as 1893, when the altarpiece was shown at an exhibition of Italian art at the New Galleries in London, it still survived as an ensemble.9 At some moment in the last years of the 19th century or early part of this century the altarpiece was broken up and nothing more can be said of its fate until 1917 when the central panel of the Coronation of the Virgin and six small figures from the pilasters were on the art market in New York.10The photograph taken when the altarpiece stood at Hatton Garden shows typical elements of polyptychs of the late Trecento and early Quattrocento: the principal votive image—in this instance the Coronation—at the center, the lateral panels occupied by full-length saints, adoring angels in the roundels above and the pilasters peopled by full- and half-length saints. An altarpiece of this size would likely had had a predella beneath and pinnacles above the three main panels, perhaps a Gabriel and Annunciate Virgin at either side and a God the Father in the center. The three heavily encrusted pediments crowning the main panels do not preclude this hypothesis; just as most of the frame they are 19th-century fabrications. In fact, even the spiral colonnettes that divide the Coronation from the side saints would seem to have been introduced only in this later revision of the frame. They succeeded only in cramping the wreath of kneeling angels and the space defined by the dais of the throne, and they also negate the space evoked by the assertive three-quarter stance of St. Stephen. Without these colonnettes the Coronation and the lateral saints would regain their relationship with a unified picture field with only the deep indentations of the arched frame implying the compartments of a Gothic polyptych.11 Although the undivided picture field had been used commonly in Sienese altarpieces of the early Trecento,12 the strictly subdivided polyptych came to prevail in Tuscan painting of that century. Gradually in the Quattrocento the altarpiece with a single picture field was reestablished, leading to the eventual predominance of the simple rectangular frame. This is, of course, an inevitable development of the compositional field as the pictorial realm served more and more to suggest a continuation of the observer’s world.Regardelss of any losses of parts or revisions of enframement, the appearance of the Santo Stefano in Pane altarpiece as recorded in the late 19th century (fig. 2) is surely not radically different from its original aspect. But out of this varied company of panels we know today the whereabouts of only the central Coronation and the six saints from the pilasters. The large standing saints in the lateral panels—to the left Lawrence and Stephen, to the right the Baptist and John the Evangelist—as well as the angel roundels above them have disappeared into the limbo Bernard Berenson long ago christened “homeless pictures.” In addition to the Coronation of the Virgin, the Institute now has in its collection the two half-length pilaster figures of Saint Bartholomew and Saint Anthony Abbot (fig. 3).13 The four full-length pilaster figures of Saints Francis, Sylvester, Dominic and a Bishop Saint (figs. 4 and 5) were acquired in 1951 by the Art Gallery at Grand Rapids, Michigan.14To indulge here in a long defense of the attribution of these seven panels from the Santo Stefano in Pane altarpiece would be redundant. Osvald Sirén in 1917 was the first to assign them to the Florentine painter Mariotto di Nardo and since then his opinion has been accepted without disagreement.15 Mariotto’s artistic roots and evolution are readily definable, although we know little of his biography.16 The year of his earliest documented work is 1394 and the last archival notice is his will made out in 1424 during a grave illness. Between these years a few of his major commissions were altarpieces for the Cathedral of Florence (1394, 1395, 1404), a window for that church (1402), and an altarpiece for the Bigallo (1416). Of these various commissions only the altarpiece of 1394 in the church of San Donnino at Villamagna outside of Florence and the Bigallo altarpiece of 1416 can be connected to documents with any certainty.17 The combination of these surviving documented works and a group of securely attributed and dated altarpieces18 provides a good path through the development of Mariotto’s style. They reveal without exception the painter’s conservative and eclectic taste, justifying Richard Offner’s description of him as a “solid craftsman of the old school.” While there is not truth to Vasari’s statement that Mariotto was the grandson of the great mid-Trecento sculptor and painter Orcagna,19 the foundation of his art was indeed the Orcagnesque tradition of stern forms and ritualistic gravity, just as it was the root for his older contemporary Niccolò di Pietro Gerini, who could well have been one of Mariotto’s first masters. Along with the stringencies of the Orcagnesque mode, Mariotto at times manifests in his style the peculiar late-Trecento revival of the substantial and relatively uncomplicated forms of the Giottesque tradition, just as does the work of Spinello Aretino in the last years of the century. A third major ingredient in Mariotto’s eclectic style is derived from the softening and decorative influence of the art of Lorenzo Monaco whose fluid, ornamental line and grace of pose and gesture are aspects of his art linking him to the late Gothic International Style. Mariotto’s work, beginning in the second decade of the Quattrocento, shows clear traces of this influence, but even when Lorenzo Monaco’s impact is most apparent, as in the Trinity of 1416 (fig. 6) or the Serristori polyptych of 1424, the florid linearism is little more than an overlay which scarcely masks forms still cast in Trecento molds.This admixture of elements in the style of Mariotto di Nardo is immediately discernible in the Santo Stefano in Pane altarpiece. The saints of the lateral panels and pilasters (figs. 2, 3, 4, 5) reveal the strong isolation of silhouette, the spiky projections of contour, the sharp ridges of drapery folds, and the gravity of expression arising from the Orcagnesque tradition. Only the St. Stephen to the left of Christ appears to lie outside of this Orcagnesque canon. The softer, more richly voluminous folds of his mantle, the unmistakable turn of his body and glance toward the central scene and the overlapping of the angel kneeling below him, all provide a contrast to the primarily frontal placement, and harder, more isolated forms of his companions both in the lateral panels and pilasters. Mariotto seems to have achieved here a slightly higher level of personal invention in depicting the patron saint of the confraternity that commissioned the altarpiece. In the Coronation panel the draperies of Christ and the Virgin are remarkable for their linear simplicity,20 the smoothness of contour, and their suggestion of the simple mass of the figure, recalling the earlier Trecento mode of Taddeo Gaddi and the Giottesque tradition of the Baroncelli altarpiece.21 The reserve in the quality of line in these two principal figures is best measured by comparison of the Institute’s Coronation with two works by Mariotto’s contemporary Lorenzo di Niccolò, Coronations of 1402 in Cortona and of 1410 in Santa Croce (figs. 7 and 8), two years later than Mariotto’s Santa Stefano altarpiece. Already in the Cortona Coronation Lorenzo di Niccolò has introduced the ornamental calligraphy of the new International taste, particularly in the drapery borders, and by 1410 it is evident that he is fully in tune with Lorenzo Monaco. Only in the ring of angels at the base of the Institute’s Coronation does Mariotto give hint of his acceptance of these more decorative trends in early Quattrocento painting. The ornamental effect of their draperies is better realized by turning to the full altarpiece, before the angel choir was so severely truncated. But when this cluster of musical angels is confronted with a comparable group of 1401 by Spinello Aretino (fig. 9), we recognize that Mariotto has as yet made only the most limited bow to the new “soft” style of the early Quattrocento.In the use of color more than in the quality of line Mariotto di Nardo reveals most explicitly his sympathy with the currents of late 14th- and early 15th-century painting when new sophistications of chromatic effect emerged particularly in the work of Agnolo Gaddi and Lorenzo Monaco. While the pilaster saints and the Christ and Virgin of the Coronation display a traditional palette composed of clearly separate tones of dark and light reds, vermilion, golden yellow, apple green, deep azure and white, the ring of angels is a gambol of changing (cangiante) colors “laced” together by a path of bold vermilion across the angels’ wings and drapery linings and the top of the throne dais. Both the chromatic choir of angels and the pierced and ornamented throne-back serve as foils to the more solid forms of the Christ and Virgin. In turn, the bulk of the Virgin’s figure is lightened by the decorative surface of her gold-brocaded drapery modeled from deep amethyst to white. This scheme of white, purple, and gold symbolizes the threefold elements of her purity as the bride of Christ, her sorrow as His tragic mother, and her royalty as Queen of Heaven.Mariotto’s Coronation contains two possibly related deviations from the usual iconography of the subject—the reversal of the position of Christ and the Virgin and the diadem worn by Christ. In the traditional depiction the Virgin is given the distinction as Queen of Heaven of sitting at the right side of her Son, the side of the blessed. Although there is no certain explanation for the reversal of position in the Institute’s panel, there are enough examples of this variation in Coronations of the Florentine Trecento and in other traditions of late medieval painting to indicate that Mariotto did not modify a traditional iconography simply out of personal whim.22 Perhaps the painter referred in his reversed Coronation to an important but now unknown model in which the same variation appeared. Or is the reason instead that the left to right placement of the Christ and Virgin was at times determined by the position of the observer rather than from a standpoint within the scene? Another equally tenuous theory would relate the reversal of position to the unusual fact that Christ wears a crown even while crowning his mother, although this is by no means the rule in reversed Coronations. In placing the Virgin to the left of Christ—thereby giving her a less exalted role—and depicting both figures with crowns, there may be implied the concept of the Virgin as the Bride of Christ—the Sponsus-Sponsa relationship—which has its source in the Song of Songs.23 For now at least, the search for an explanation of these variations in iconography leads only to such unresolved hypotheses.The elaborate throne (fig. 10), mentioned thus far in passing, deserves fuller discussion as a symbolic gloss on the theme of the Coronation. Along with the colorful angel choir this splendid structure lends an ornamental enrichment to the scene and heightens the sense of ceremonial solemnity. By introducing so fully developed an architectural setting the painter broke from the prevalent tradition wherein the Coronation is enacted before a heavily brocaded “cloth of honor” suspended wither without visible support or against a throne-back (fig. 7).24 Mariotto seems to have derived both the form of the gabled throne-back as well as its rich overlay of cusping, tracery, crockets, finials, and spiral directly from the vocabulary of Italian Gothic architecture ands sculpture. No one monument served as his model, but instead a composite of such works as the windows of the Campanile, the Bardi di Vernio tomb at Santa Croce, Orcagna’s tabernacle at Or San Michele, and the Gothic niches on the exterior of that same building.25 It might also be conjectured that Mariotto knew Trecento architectural drawings like that for the façade of the Baptistry at Siena in which, in fact, the Coronation is presented in the central gable.26 His structure also recalls the elaborate settings for the Madonna and Child favored contemporarily by Spinello Aretino, but he has expanded the throne-back to the form of a tripartite church façade. This suggestion of an ecclesiastical structure surely alludes to an important aspect of the devotional and mystical meaning of the Virgin’s role in the Coronation. Within the tradition of Marian literature the Virgin, as the receptacle of Christ, had come to be equated symbolically with the Church—the new Solomon’s Temple—as well as with the Throne of Wisdom or of Judgment.27 In the façade-like structure and in the striking importance given to the spiral or salomonic column, there may lie symbolic references to the Temple of Solomon and, by extension, to the Church.28 It is not the choice of the spiral column that leads to this admittedly tentative hypothesis, for its use as architectural ornament is common at this time, but rather its prominence as a sort of trumeau directly on the axis of the picture and the deep rose color used elsewhere in the panel only in the bits of Gothic tracery in the wings of the throne. Traces of a spiral underdrawing (fig. 10) still visible under the white pigment of the cornice beneath the column prove that originally Mariotto intended to give the spiral even greater prominence. Had the column extended the full length of the area between Christ and the Virgin it would have gained in symbolic import but there would have resulted a disturbing ambiguity in the space provided the two figures. The closing off of the back of the seat, which is implied only by the two gold cushions, and the repetition of the vermilion of the dais in the small patch of color where the knees of the seated figures intersect establish coherent space for their bulk. The arms of the throne, however, instead of reinforcing this space as they would normally do, are suppressed virtually to the plane of the throne-back. As a result, the throne functions primarily as a symbolic “screen” rather than as a spacious container.Only a deeper investigation than the deadline for this article has permitted could begin to answer further questions of symbolism such as the possible relationship of the spiral trumeau and the role of Christ, the use of the column as a support for the heavy green triangle of the gable with its possible suggestion of the Trinity,29 and the connection of the throne not only with the Temple but also with the complex tradition of the Throne of Solomon.Endnotes
  1. An excellent brief, yet detailed survey is in R. Offner, Corpus of Florentine Painting, Sec. III, Vol. V (New York, 1947), pp. 243-250). See also G. Coor-Achenbach, “The Earliest Italian Representation of the Coronation of the Virgin,” Burlington Magazine, XCIX (October, 1957), 328-330. Dr. Lotte B. Philip kindly brought to my attention the following published doctoral dissertation: P. Wilhelm, Die Marienkrönung am Westportal der Kathedrale von Senlis (Hamburg, 1941). Dr. Philip also offered helpful advice about the still inconclusive matter of the reversed Coronation discussed later in this article.
  2. M. Meiss, Painting in Florence and Siena after the Black Death (Princeton, 1951), pp. 43-44 and 114; fig. 58. For an extended definition of the several types of Trecento Florentine Coronation see R. Offner, loc. Cit.
  3. R. Van Marle, The Development of the Italian Schools of Painting, Vol. III (The Hague, 1924), fig. 221.
  4. Meiss, op. cit., p. 43 and fig. 56.
  5. 65.37. Tempera on panel. Dimensions without frame: 51 7/8” x 27”. Dimensions with frame: 61 7/8” x 29 3/8”. Excepting the extensive loss of blue in the robe of Christ, the condition is good with only moderate retouching. The frame appears to be modern, or at least not contemporary with the painting, with the exception of the inscription at the base (see below, note 7).
  6. “Notizie storiche intorno ad alcune tavole fiorentine del ‘300 e ‘400,” Rivista d’arte, XXXI, Ser. 3, VI (1956), 68. The Sepoltuario Strozziano mentioned in Cohn’s article is a 17th-century manuscript.
  8. Professor Ellis Waterhouse has kindly provided the following information: Bought in 1844 by Davenport Bromley from Santo Stefano in Pane; sold from his collection at Christie’s, June 13, 1863, Lot 156; bought by Watson as Niccolò di Pietro. The altarpiece was mentioned by Waagen while in the Davenport Bromley collection and attributed to the school of Orcagna (Treasures of Art in Great Britain, Vol. III [London, 1854], p. 372).
  9. Exhibitions of Early Italian Art from 1300 to 1550 (London, 1893-1894), p. 9, No. 45.
  10. In a letter written in New York to Georges Wildenstein on October 12, 1917, Osvald Sirén mentions the panels and attributes them to Mariotto di Nardo. The records of Wildenstein and Co. seem not to contain the date when the seven panels became their property.
  11. An example of this frame effect is the Madonna and Saints altarpiece by Mariotto di Nardo at S. Donnino di Villamagna, (B. Berenson, Italian Pictures of the Renaissance: The Florentine School, Vol. I [London, 1963], fig. 515).
  12. E.g., Duccio’s Maestà altarpiece and the Massa Marittima Maestà by Ambrogio Lorenzetti (Van Marle, op. cit., Vol. II, figs. 7 and 277). Orcagna’s Strozzi altarpiece at S. Maria Novella in Florence presents a compromise between the single and subdivided fields in the use of colonnettes incised on the gold ground. (Meiss, op. cit., fig. 1).
  13. 66.7. Tempera on wood panel. Dimensions of painted surface of each panel: 9 1/2” x 6”. Only the inner frame moldings are original. The two panels were presented to the Institute by Mr. Daniel Wildenstein.
  14. The four panels have been reframed in two pairs. Saints Francis and Dominic: Acc. No. 51.1.4; Saint Sylvester and a Bishop Saint: Acc. No. 51.1.5. Dimensions of the painted surfaces: 15 1/4” x 6”. The cusped inner frame moldings appear to be original. The panels were presented to the Art Gallery of Grand Rapids by Mr. Hollis Baker in 1951. Previously they had been owned by Mr. Ernst Rosenfield of New York City. They were sold at Parke-Bernet, January 4, 1947, No. 85. Mr. Walter McBride, Director of the Grand Rapids Art Museum, generously granted permission to publish these panels.
  15. See note 10. The attribution to Mariotto has been accepted by the following: R. Offner (“The Mostra del Tesoro di Firenze Sacra, II,” Burlington Magazine, LXIII [October, 1933], 169, note 4); B. Berenson (op. cit., p. 132, fig. 520).
  16. For essential documentation and bibliography on Mariotto see: Van Marle, op. cit., Vol. IX, pp. 203-220; R. Offner, loc. cit.
  17. For illustrations of the Villamagna and Bigallo altarpieces see Berenson, op. cit., figs. 515 and 525.
  18. Trinity altarpieces, S. Trinita, Florence, 1416 (fig. 6); Madonna with Baptist and St. Philip, Accademia, Florence, 1418; Madonna and Saints, with predella, Pieve di S. Leonino, Panzano, 1421; Madonna and Saints, with predella, Serristori Collection, Florence, 1424. A Coronation panel in the Acton Collection in Florence is attributed to Mariotto and bears a date of July 25, 1431, but I am not convinced that this inscription is contemporary with the painting (Berenson, op. cit., fig. 531). It therefore seems unnecessary to revise the traditional date of 1424 as the final year of Mariotto’s career, which has been done in the recent edition of Berenson’s Florentine lists (op. cit., p. 129).
  19. Milanesi-Vasari, Vol. I (Florence, 1878), p. 610. Mariotto was the son of a stonecutter by the name Leonardo (Nardo) di Cione, but there is no evidence that he was related to the Cione family or to Orcagna’s brother Nardo.
  20. The underdrawing of Christ’s mantle is clearly visible as a result of the extensive loss of the blue pigment.
  21. Meiss, op. cit., fig. 58.
  22. Among later Trecento and early Quattrocento Florentine examples of the reversed Coronation including another by Mariotto, are the following: Giovanni del Biondo (attr.), Ball State Teachers College (Art Quarterly, IV [1941], 263, fig. 2); Niccolò di Pietro Gerini (attr.), Pinacoteca Vaticana (P. d’Achiardi, Pinac. Vat. [1929], pl. XIII); Mariotto di Nardo, Fitzwilliam Museum (Burlington Magazine, XXXVII [1920], 291, pl. 1 [A].).
  23. Song of Songs, IV, 8. See E. Panofsky, Early Netherlandish Painting, Vol. I (Cambridge [Mass.}, 1953), p. 415, note 2 for page 145. In a doctoral dissertation for New York University, Dr. Don Denny considered the reversed Annunciation (from the right). I have had the opportunity to consult only his thesis summary published in Marsyas, XII (1964-1965). There he states that “comparison of Annunciations from the right and left within the oeuvre of one artist or within one well-defined group shows that the Annunciation from the right tends to accord the Annunciate a diminished prestige.” I am grateful to Dr. Rosalie Green of the Index of Christian Art for bringing Dr. Denny’s thesis to my attention and also for a partial list of reversed Coronations in the Index files.
  24. For the draped throne-back see the panel by the Gerinesque Master of the Arte della Lana Coronation (Berenson, op. cit., fig. 382). Mariotto uses a heavy, gabled throne in the Madonna and Child with Donors, dated 1404, in the Perkins collection, Assisi (ibid., fig. 519).
  25. For illustrations of Gothic architecture in Tuscany see P. Toesca, Il Trecento (Turin, 1951), p. 8 ff. and John White, Art and Architecture in Italy, 1250-1400 (Baltimore, 1966), passim.
  26. J. White, op. cit., fig. 154. The Coronation in this drawing is the reversed type.
  27. F. Wormald, “The Throne of Solomon and St. Edward’s Chair,” Essays in Honor of Erwin Panofsky, Vol. I (New York, 1961), p. 532 ff.; Y. Hirn, The Sacred Shrine (London, 1912), pp. 453 ff.; A. D. McKenzie, “The Virgin Mary as the Throne of Solomon in Medieval Art” (unpublished doctoral dissertation, New York University; I have had the opportunity to consult only the summery of this thesis published in Marsyas, XII [1964-1965]).
  28. Toynbee and Perkins assert that by the early 15th century popular belief held that the spiral columns from the Shrine of St. Peter in the Constantinian basilica were from Solomon’s Temple (The Shrine of St. Peter and the Vatican Excavations [London, 1956], p. 247 ff. I am grateful to Mr. William Kloss for this reference). Some notable Trecento examples of the throne-back in the shape of a church façade or otherwise reflecting ecclesiastical architectural forms are the following: Giovanni Bonsi, Madonna and Saints, 1371, Pinacoteca Vaticana (Berenson, op. cit., fig. 306); Assumption of the Virgin (ruined fresco), Camposanto, Pisa (Van Marle, op. cit., Vol. V, fig. 148); Master of the Kahn St. Catherine, St. Catherine Enthroned with Saints and Donors (Berenson, op. cit., fig. 299). In a Coronation by Paolo Veneziano in the Accademia in Venice the cloth backdrop falls into folds which seem to transform the brocaded pattern into a spiral column between Christ and the Virgin (J. White, op. cit., pl. 128b). In an Annunciation in the Museo Civico in Pistoia, Mariotto uses five spiral columns to support the church-like structure enclosing the Virgin (Berenson, op. cit., fig. 532).
  29. An example of the representation of the Trinity in the Coronation is the altarpiece of 1410 by Giovanni dal Ponte in the Musée Condé at Chantilly, wherein God the Father and the Dove appear above the figures of Christ and the Virgin (Berenson, op. cit., fig. 483).
Referenced Works of Art
  1. Mariotto di Nardo
    Florentine, active 1394-1424
    Coronation of the Virgin, 1408
    Tempera on wood, 61 7/8” x 29 3/8” (with frame)
    The Putnam Dana McMillan Fund, 65.37.
  2. Mariotto di Nardo
    Coronation of the Virgin with Saints
    (From a late 19th-century photograph)
  3. Mariotto di Nardo
    Saint Bartholomew and Saint Anthony Abbot
    Tempera on wood, 9 1/2” x 6” (painted surface of each panel)
    Gift of Mr. Daniel Wildenstein, 66.7.
  4. Mariotto di Nardo
    Saint Francis and Saint Dominic
    Tempera on wood, 15 1/4” x 6”
    (painted surface of each panel)
    Collection of The Grand Rapids Art Museum
  5. Mariotto di Nardo
    Saint Sylvester and A Bishop Saint
    Tempera on wood, 15 1/4” x 6”
    (painted surface of each panel)
    Collection of The Grand Rapids Art Museum
  6. Mariotto di Nardo
    Trinity Altarpiece, 1416 (Detail of center panel)
    S. Trinita, Florence
  7. Lorenzo di Niccolò
    Florentine, active 1391-1411
    Coronation of the Virgin, 1402 (Detail of Altarpiece)
    S. Domenico, Cortona
  8. Lorenzo di Niccolò
    Coronation of the Virgin, 1410
    S. Croce, Florence
  9. Spinello Aretino (with Niccolò di Pietro Gerini and Lorenzo di Niccolò)
    Coronation of the Virgin, 1401
    (Detail of Musical Angels)
    Accademia, Florence
  10. Detail of fig. 1.
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Source: Marvin Eisenberg, "The Coronation of the Virgin by Mariotto di Nardo," <i>The Minneapolis Institute of Arts Bulletin</i> 55 (1966): 9-24.
Rights: ©MIA
Added to Site: March 10, 2009